“I was standing on the bridge when the clock in the marketplace struck seven. From nowhere, two Muslim men, with feminine faces, approached me. I guessed they were money-minded and wicked men. Yet they were well dressed and looked like gentlemen, so I wished them ‘Salam-ala-chum’… ‘Are you interesting in doing a job?’ One of them asked. ‘What kind of job?’ I inquired. ‘A government job’, one said then they asked me if I had any education. I told them that I had passed middle school. They responded happily and said I could be a Sardar… Such sugary talk swept me off my feet and I forgot everything: my family, my country and myself”[1] – Munshi Rahman Khan
British Online Archives (BOA) hosts extensive British colonial government reports from African countries, namely Cameroon, Gambia, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. These reports provide unique insights into the lives of citizens under colonial rule. Although these papers exhibit a noticeable pro-British bias, which is understandable, they still provide valuable insights into how British colonial administrations treated citizens and how living conditions evolved during and after colonial rule.
This article utilises archival material drawn from two collections collated by BOA: Colonial Africa in Official Statistics, 1821-1953 and Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964. It does so in order to examine the lives of the large Indian community living in Africa under British colonial rule. The article highlights how the British encouraged this migration through the establishment of indentured labour schemes and the hiring of Indian nationals for positions in the civil service in numerous African nations. The article also considers the plight of “twice migrants”: Indians who migrated from Africa to the UK following independence (as in the case of Kenya in 1963). The subsequent rise of “Africanisation” policies in newly-independent, African nations is likewise explored.
Supplementing this material are extracts from my friend Preeti Solanki’s family history book. This documents her family’s experience of migrating from India to Zimbabwe, beginning in the early twentieth century. I am extremely grateful to Preeti Solanki for sharing her family history with me and for giving me permission to include material drawn from it alongside the archival material hosted by BOA.
Migrating to Africa
India and Africa have been connected for more than 3,000 years, with strong commercial and cultural ties[2]. In modern history, however, the relationship between India and Africa is firmly rooted in colonialism and exploitation[3]. Following the abolition of slavery in 1834, Britain faced a huge labour shortage in its colonies.[4]. The British were therefore keen to recruit labour, especially since the government was then overseeing various infrastructure and labour-intensive projects. Thus, in the 1860s indentured contracts were utilised to transport cheap labour across the British Empire[5]. Simultaneously, British colonial rule in India had pushed more and more Indians into poverty, as the British exploited the continent’s resources, forcing many individuals to look for alternative livelihoods and income streams so as to support themselves and their families[6]. This made migration a more palatable option. The situation was compounded by a series of droughts that hit the north-western regions of India in the late nineteenth century, exacerbating poverty and causing many people to flee the affected areas[7]. Between 1829 and 1924, a total of 769,427 Indians migrated to Mauritius, South Africa, the Seychelles, and East Africa[8].
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Railways, 1916-1922, “Report of the General Manager of the Uganda Railway, 1918–1919”, img 192)
There were two main destinations in Africa for Indian indentured labourers. The first was Natal, which welcomed 152,184 Indian workers between 1860 and 1911 destined for sugar plantations[9]. The second was East Africa, where the construction of the Kenya-Uganda railway line was underway. The extract above is taken from the “Report of the General Manager of the Uganda Railway, 1918–1919” which explains the process of recruiting indentured labourers. The General Manager recorded how a “European Officer thoroughly well acquainted with India and Indians was sent over to India in September 1918, with instructions to recruit 357 Indians for all Departments”. This recruitment process proved successful for the British. As the extract below (lifted from the same document) demonstrates, 1,731 Indians were recorded as staff on the books of the railway for 1918–1919. In total, 32,000 Indian workers were recruited on three-year contracts to work on the railway line[10].
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Railways, 1916-1922, “Report of the General Manager of the Uganda Railway, 1918–1919”, img 192)
Indians working on the construction of the railway were absolutely vital for the project’s success and they were recognised for their contribution. The extract below, taken from a speech by the Governor of Kenya Sir Edward Grigg, describes the contribution made by Indians to the railway as “indispensable”. Yet despite being recognised for their hard work and skill, Indians were not deemed (perhaps unsurprisingly) to have contributed as much as British employees in the opinion of the British government. Here, one encounters that trend whereby British colonial governments exploited individuals and their labour, but unfairly renumerated them for their work.
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Papers from the Governor and Council of State, 1925-1962, “Speech by H. E. the Governor, Lt. Col. Sir Edward Grigg”, img 187)
The conditions experienced by indentured labourers were poor to say the least. Letters written by Indian indentured labourers to the Protector of Emigrants in Calcutta described cruel treatment, sexual abuse, impoverishment, and lack of payment as regular features of their day-to-day lives whilst working for British colonial governments in Africa[11]. Labourers were denied access to basic medical treatment, despite disease spreading easily amongst workers due to them being underfed and housed in unsanitary and crowded barracks[12]. With the origins of this expansion of indentured labour lying in the abolition of slavery, it is not difficult to see why this new system of exploitation has been described as a “thinly disguised continuation of slavery”[13]. It was actually described by the Viceroy of India in 1915 as “a system of forced labour…differing but little from…slavery”[14]. The poor treatment of Indian indentured workers led to the development of an anti-indenture movement. This emerged in Natal and primarily focused on discouraging people in India from signing up to the unjust and exploitative system[15]. Although the campaign was originally based on humanitarian concerns, it quickly developed into an anti-colonial and anti-British campaign, as the government was seen as stealing wealth and resources from Indians all over the world for their own benefit[16]. Indians working on the Kenya-Uganda railway also began to organise against unfair treatment. The extract below, lifted from one of the annual reports produced by A. William Reid, the Chief Storekeeper of the Uganda Railway, describes a strike by Indian employees in July 1914. They lobbied for better conditions and equal treatment with the British, highlighting, amongst other issues, the “inferior quality of rations supplied to them”.
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Railways, 1910-1916, “Report of the Chief Storekeeper, 1914-1915”, img 376)
Poor treatment whilst working for the railway led many Indians to look for higher paid and better quality work elsewhere. The first extract below, written in 1916 by the General Manager of the Uganda Railway, states that “there was a very large exodus of all classes of Indian labour throughout the greater part of the year, and the payment of higher wages by employers of labour, (both skilled and clerical), other than the Railway adversely affects local engagements”. Following the end of their contracts, around one-fifth of Indian indentured workers decided to remain in Kenya, equating to approximately 7,000 people[17]. They often progressed into higher paid and skilled work, given that many of them had occupied skilful positions for the railway. This is shown in the second extract below, taken from the same General Manager’s report. It illustrates how the majority of Indians working for the railway were “artizans” i.e. skilled workers, whilst very few were employed to complete menial tasks.
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Railways, 1910-1916, “Report of the General Manager of the Uganda Railway, 1915–1916”, img 428)
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Railways, 1910-1916, “Report of the General Manager of the Uganda Railway, 1915–1916”, img 428)
Since many Indian workers decided to remain in Africa after their indentured contracts expired, this paved the way for subsequent migration and the creation of a well-established route from India to Africa[18]. Economic conditions in East Africa, at the time, lured many traders and artisans to the area to establish their own businesses[19]. Simultaneously, opportunities to work for the colonial civil services expanded and Indian migrants, many of whom held British passports, set their sights on government jobs[20]. The period between 1911 and 1963 saw an influx of skilled workers from India into East Africa, such as doctors, lawyers, business owners, traders, clerks, and artisans, leading to the Indian population in Kenya increasing from 11,787 to 176,613 in this 52-year period[21]. The first extract below, drawn from the “Report of the Registrar General” in 1950, includes population estimates for the year, separated by race. It demonstrates the significant Indian population, with an estimate of 110,000 people, nearly three times as large as the European population estimate for the same year. The Indian diaspora in Africa became very influential, particularly within business. The second extract below is taken from a speech by the Governor of Kenya to the legislative council in 1926. It shows how the government recognised the Indian population and considered them to be one of the three main groups in Kenya[22].
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Registrar-General, 1927-1963, “Report of the Registrar General, Official Receiver and Public Trustee for the year 1950”, img 201)
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Papers from the Governor and Council of State, 1925-1962, “H. E. the Governor’s Speech to Legislative Council, 28th May, 1926”, img 51)
Life in Africa
As mentioned earlier in this article, many Indians in Africa set up their own businesses and were heavily involved in trade. Whilst Europeans complained about the climate and living conditions, Indians adjusted and prospered in developing local industry, with some individuals proving to be very successful[23]. Allidina Vishram arrived from India in Zanzibar in 1863 and over the course of the next 50 years developed a hugely successful portfolio of businesses. By the 1910s, Vishram owned more than 200 shops and seven large plantations. He also had business interests and investments in sailing ships, logistics, the ivory trade, oil mills, and factories for drinks and furniture[24]. Other Indian families in Africa dominated industry, such as the Chandarias, Madhvanis, and Mehtas, who had built their wealth in Africa after previously being engaged in low paid, menial work[25].
To this day, Indian migrants dominate key sectors of the African economy, such as the diamond industry[26]. In Kenya in particular, the Indian diaspora are seen as being instrumental to the country’s economy and continue to contribute significantly to economic growth and investment[27]. Indians in Kenya are still heavily involved in commerce, but currently also make fundamental contributions in the finance, banking, insurance, and housing sectors[28]. The extracts below are just two examples that demonstrate the importance of the Indian community in terms of the growth and development of the Kenyan economy. The first extract, taken from the “Native Affairs Department Annual Report, 1924” informed its readership how “trade is almost entirely in the hands of Indian merchants”. In the second extract one learns from the Chief Native Commissioner how “Indians monopolised trade in the district” and that “as usual a large number of African traders were dependent on the Indians for supply of their goods”. Not only do these sources highlight the dominance Indians gained within trade and commerce, they also illustrate the social standing of Indians in relation to the native African population.
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Native Affairs, 1924-1931, “Native Affairs Department Annual Report, 1924”, img 5)
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Native Affairs, 1937-1947, “Annual Report of Native Affairs, 1946-47”, img 291)
The Indian diaspora were perceived as skillful workers who contributed greatly in terms of providing vital services to the population[29]. The same cannot be said with respect to the perception of the native African population. The extract below, taken from the “Annual Report on Native Affairs, 1935” demonstrates the condescending attitude held by the British colonial government with regard to the African population. “It was generally found”, so this report reads, “that native artisans were incapable of carrying out any work except of a rough nature”. The native African population was looked down upon by Europeans and by sections of the Indian community, who did not trust them with skilled work or social and political responsibilities.
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Native Affairs, 1932-1936, “Annual Report on Native Affairs, 1935”, img 432)
Despite the aspirations of the Indian diaspora, they were by no means treated as the equals of the European settlers. Instead, Indians occupied a sort of middle ground in terms of social ranking, with the native African population below them and the European population above them[30]. Indians were exploited by the British, who relied on them for key services, but who nevertheless placed limits upon their upward economic and social mobility[31]. The structure of societies under British colonial rule very much rested upon racist assumptions and the British built racial discrimination into their social and political institutions. This is evidenced by the extracts below, drawn from the Uganda Blue Book for 1945 (Blue Books were developed in order to standardise statistical reports and they had to be submitted to the British Colonial Office annually). Recorded in these tables are the prison meals fed to incarcerated people in Uganda, with the quality of food received being determined by race. Scale A (the highest quality food) was reserved for Europeans and scale B was reserved for Indian, Arab, and Somali prisoners, leaving African prisoners with the lowest quality food, scale C. This is an example of blatant institutional racism and highlights how the British segregated colonial societies along racial lines in order to exploit the non-European population[32].
(Extract from Colonial Africa in Official Statistics, 1821-1953, Uganda Blue Book (1945), img 81)
(Extract from Colonial Africa in Official Statistics, 1821-1953, Uganda Blue Book (1945), img 82)
(Extract from Colonial Africa in Official Statistics, 1821-1953, Uganda Blue Book (1945), img 82)
It was not just within the prison system that this racially-premised hierarchical order can be observed. The extract below, taken from the Kenya Blue Book for 1906 lists the annual salaries (left column) and daily salaries (right column) for carpenters, segregated by race. Again, the same pattern arises, with Europeans being remumerated handsomely and the local Swahili population receiving the least for their work, with the Indian population lying between the two. This hierarchy was replicated across sectors, including medicine and healthcare. During the construction of the Kenya-Uganda railway, there were five times as many Indian doctors as European doctors. Yet they were paid 2-3 times less[33]. They often served the same purpose and possessed the same skills as European doctors, but they were ranked lower and given job titles such as “assistant” or “junior surgeon”. Their medical training was also disparaged, with the “Practicing Physicians and Dentists Ordinance” for 1910 claiming that a medical degree gained in India was not as prestigious as the same degree awarded in the UK[34]. The native African population working in healthcare were ranked even lower, receiving less responsibilities and lower pay whilst also enduring poorer working conditions[35].
(Extract from Colonial Africa in Official Statistics, 1821-1953, Kenya Blue Book (1906), img 129)
Understandably, the Indian diaspora quickly became disillusioned with the British government and they lobbied for equal treatment with the European population[36]. The most well-known campaigner for Indian rights in Africa is, of course, M. K. Gandhi, who practised as a lawyer in South Africa between 1893 and 1914[37]. During his early career in South Africa, Gandhi was involved in the Pietermaritzburg train incident, where he was forcibly removed from a “whites-only” carriage[38]. This event proved influential, providing a catalyst for Gandhi’s later political campaign against segregation, which dictated where Indians could live and charged them a compulsory £3 poll tax[39].
Political ambitions amongst the Indian diaspora spread across Africa, particularly within British East Africa, which saw a rally by Indians in defence of their rights as early as 1906[40]. The main issues raised by the Indian diaspora concerned their unequal treatment in relation to voting rights, democratic representation, and land distribution[41]. In 1910, A. M. Jeevanjee, who was a prominent merchant, was keen to highlight the contributions Indians had made to Kenya, particularly in relation to commerce and trade, since they controlled nearly 85% of the colony’s trade at that time[42]. A turning point occurred during the First World War. Many Indians believed that their loyalty to Britain during the war would be rewarded with self-government and political rights[43]. When this reward failed to materialise, the Indian diaspora took matters into their own hands. In March 1914 they formed a political organisation called the East African Indian National Congress (EAINC), with Jeevanjee as President[44]. The extract below is from a speech given by the Governor of Kenya to the EAINC in 1927, congratulating Indians for securing elective representation, the first Indians in Africa to do so. Although the EAINC was set up to defend the rights of Indians, it quickly developed into a broader anti-colonial movement, which collaborated with African nationalists in their campaign for self-governance and independence[45]. The nationalist campaign in Kenya, therefore, became a broad, multi-racial movement, centred upon shared anti-colonial and anti-British sentiments.
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Papers from the Governor and Council of State, 1925-1962, “H. E. the Governor’s Speech at the East Africa Indian National Congress, Nairobi, 1927”, img 107)
The Mochi Caste
The following section focuses on the Mochi Caste, of which my friend Preeti Solanki’s family comes from. The Mochi Caste is a social class within the caste system in India. The caste system in India is believed to have existed for over 3,000 years and, historically, it divided families into groups, based upon their work and their religious duty[46]. An individual’s caste dictates their social standing, the opportunities available to them, and how they will be treated by others[47]. Mochis, meaning shoemakers, are amongst the lowest castes in the system and were listed as a “backward class”, despite losing their “untouchable” status in the 1930s[48].
Life in India for Mochis in the late nineteenth century was no doubt difficult, with higher castes dictating social norms and forcing poverty and hardship onto lower castes[49]. British colonial rule in India only exacerbated the impoverishment faced by rural communities and labourers[50]. The British squeezed India of its resources and ensured an unjust allocation of resources and wealth. This pushed lower castes further into destitution, particularly landless labourers who struggled to support themselves and their families, especially when weather conditions fluctuated, leading to floods and drought which damaged crops[51]. Individuals who were victims of this socio-economic system were moved to consider migrating to other countries in the hopes of building a better life and experiencing better treatment. This led many to sign up for indenture or migrate as free persons in order to escape conditions in India[52].
(Extract from Preeti Solanki’s family history book)
The above extract details a personal story of migration from India to Africa. Like many others of the Mochi caste, Pitamber Ramjee “ventured to Africa with the hope of improving his lifestyle”. After settling into Umtali (now Mutare, Zimbabwe) he set up his own shoe repair and upholstery business, becoming very successful. This is a trend seen across Mochi families, with social mobility central to their migration story[53]. Despite being viewed as an “outcaste” in India, many Mochis became incredibly successful business owners in Africa and were viewed as skilled craftsmen and artisans[54]. Caste, for the Mochi community, became fluid and changeable, as many families gained wealth and social standing in their new homes[55].
Community organising facilitated Mochis working together to improve their livelihoods. In South Africa, Mochis in Cape Town pooled their resources to invest in property and host community gatherings, such as religious and sporting events[56]. They also networked with other Mochis across different geographical locations, aiding the expansion of their businesses through sharing advice and assisting one another[57].
Although the wider community was important for business success, the most important support business owners received was from their own families. As shown in the extracts above and below, business ventures were a family effort, with children assisting in the day-to-day running of the shops and becoming skilful artisans in their own right. Women also benefited from migration, as many of them assisted with the family business, initially to save on wages. They were taught shoemaking skills which empowered them to “move beyond domesticity”, and they became as respected as male shoemakers[58]. Whilst some children stayed to help run the family business, this allowed their siblings the opportunity to access better education. As we can see in the extract below, education was very important to the Mochi caste, who saw it as a marker of success. This motivated the community to lobby the government for better education opportunities for their children; to organise and to build their own schools; and even to send their children abroad for schooling. The Makan Doolabh family, described in the extract below, contributed to the setting up of the Bulawayo Indian Primary School, which family members then attended. Furthermore, Diwali, Makan Doolabh’s daughter, was sent to school in Baroda, India, becoming the first Hindu girl to leave Zimbabwe to access such education. Education allowed Mochis to move beyond their ancestral craft and enter professional careers, as is evident in the extract below, with the Makan Doolabh family boasting “accountants, lawyers, hotel management consultants, doctors and specialists, teachers, chemists, and a computer analyst/engineer”.
(Extract from Preeti Solanki’s family history book)
The story of the Mochi caste in Africa is truly inspiring. They transcended their traditional social ranking to become respected artisans and their successful utilisation of opportunities for increased social mobility allowed their ancestors to not only own successful shoemaking businesses, but also to enter professional careers, gaining social standing and financial wealth along the way.
Post-Independence and Africanisation
Following the independence of many African nations throughout the twentieth century, the Indian community found themselves in an awkward situation, with the native African community harbouring conflicting feelings towards them. On the one hand, the Indian community had stood alongside the native African community, sharing their anti-colonial sentiments and contributing massively to this cause[59]. Many Indians remembered colonial rule in India as well as the achievement of Indian independence in 1947. They had experienced poor treatment at the hands of British colonial government in Africa, leading them to fight against British imperialism and to make vital contributions to the development of anti-colonial movements in many African nations[60]. In Kenya between 1915 and 1920, discriminatory laws were passed to prevent the Indian community from enjoying the same privilege and power as European settlers, leading many Indians to develop anti-British sentiments[61]. In South Africa, in particular, the descendants of indentured labourers had taken advantage of the opportunities for increased social mobility and many became lawyers who subsequently defended African political prisoners during the fight for independence[62]. The Indian community in Africa was encouraged by Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru following his election in the wake of Indian independence in 1947. Nehru declared that the Indian community should assist native Africans in the development of their freedom movements[63].
On the other hand, there was a growing resentment within the native African population with regard to the Indian community, as the latter had a relatively higher social and economic standing, despite being less privileged than the European settlers[64]. The Indian diaspora was also split in terms of their relationship with the British Empire, with a prominent group of Indian Muslims labelling themselves as loyal “imperial citizens”[65]. Furthermore, the Indian community was increasingly isolated from the native African population, as they rose through the government ranks to hold influential roles in sectors such as public health, investment, trade, education, and the judiciary[66]. Not only did Indians work for the British government in varying capacities, but the Indian community also dominated trade and availed of employment opportunities, with a small number of Indians controlling large monopolies over certain industries. This meant they were economically superior to the native Africans[67]. For example, in Uganda Indians owned 90% of businesses and contributed 90% of Ugandan tax revenue at the time of independence in 1962[68].
Ultimately, anti-Indian sentiment dominated post-independence legislation. Varying “Africanisation” policies, aimed at restructuring society in favour of the native African population, were introduced. Indians working in government roles were replaced by Africans and new laws were developed which favoured Africans in terms of land ownership[69]. Life for the Indian community became uncomfortable and difficult. Access to resources and opportunities became ever-more restricted. This lead many to choose or to be forced to leave Africa[70].
(Extract from Kenya Under Colonial Rule, in Government Reports, 1907-1964, Immigration, 1948-1963, “Immigration Department Annual Report, 1963”, img 147)
Kenya gained its independence in 1963 and the new government gave Indians two years to apply for Kenyan citizenship to replace their British citizenship[71]. Despite this offer, many Indians in Kenya decided to return to India. An even larger group decided to migrate to the UK, given their British citizenship and the evaporation of their strong connections to India, as their ancestors may have migrated to Africa more than a century earlier[72]. In fact, the majority of Indians in Kenya did not take-up the offer of Kenyan citizenship and this trend was replicated across other African nations[73]. The extract above is taken from the “Immigration Department Annual Report, 1963”. It details the rise in British passport applications immediately preceding Kenyan independence. The document describes the number of passport applications as “unprecedented” and assigns this increase to the Asian community, which is to be read as the Indian community. This shows that many Indians in Kenya looked to migrate to the UK following Kenyan independence.
Africanisation in Kenya can be described as gradual. The same cannot be said of the situation in Uganda. Uganda took a militant approach to Africanisation after Idi Amin staged a coup in 1971 and seized power[74]. In 1972, Ugandan Asians, totalling around 50,000 people, were given just 90 days to leave the country as they were accused of “milking Uganda’s money”[75]. 27,200 refugees arrived in the UK, with 6,000 going to Canada, 4,500 to India and 2,500 to neighbouring Kenya[76]. The image below shows Indian Ugandan refugees arriving at Stansted airport in September 1972.
Twice Migrants
The 1960s and 1970s saw a dramatic change occurring in the lives of the Indian community in Africa as many became “twice migrants” after migrating to the United Kingdom[77]. Indian residents in African countries dropped by 75% between 1968 and 1984, whilst the population of Indians from Africa residing in the UK increased threefold to 180,000 between 1971 and 1981[78]. In total, 63% of the East African Asian community in the UK arrived between 1965 and 1974[79].
The “twice migrant” community are often grouped together with other South Asians in the UK, but their unique background makes them a distinct sociological group[80]. “Twice migrants” have ties to three countries: their country of ancestral origin; the country their family first migrated to; and the country they now reside in[81]. Arriving in the UK, many “twice migrants” could already speak fluent English and had held middle-class positions in Africa, either through working for the government or owning their own businesses[82]. Unlike direct migrants from India, “twice migrants” were relatively well-educated and well-connected, given many had worked for various British colonial governments[83]. This meant that “twice migrants” arrived with many skills to offer, skills which they had developed within a British context, thereby making them highly applicable to their new home[84].
That said, despite their relatively prosperous backgrounds, many “twice migrants” arrived in the UK with little capital as a result of the turbulent years they had experienced during the onset of independence. Consequently, many individuals were compelled to accept poorly paid and low-skilled jobs, which marked the beginning of their journey to rebuild their lives in their newfound home [85]. During the 1970s and 1980s the “twice migrant” community achieved a great deal in terms of regaining their social standing and wealth. Within this period many “twice migrants” gained formal qualifications which allowed them to access new labour market opportunities. This is evidenced by the fact that between 1974 and 1983 there was a 14% fall in the number of men involved in manual work whilst the number of those in professional and managerial roles doubled[86]. “Twice migrants” also improved their social and economic standing considerably with regard to gaining better quality housing[87]. This trend can be partly explained due to the loss of their close relationship with India. This meant that “twice migrants” were committed to building a life in the UK. They did not possess a “myth of return” like other, direct migrants, who may have harboured an aspiration to return to India at some point in the future[88].
Despite their achievements, life for “twice migrants” in the UK was tough. Racism did, and of course still does, create and maintain many institutional barriers which restrict access to scarce opportunities and resources[89]. Possessing formal qualifications and being fluent in English did not change this community’s experience of racial discrimination in the labour market, as they were subject to unemployment at the same level as direct migrants from India[90]. The Race Relations Act of 1968 should have prevented race-based discrimination within the housing and employment sectors. Yet in practice “twice migrants” faced racism and prejudice in all aspects of life in the UK[91]. For example, Leicester Council paid for advertisements in Ugandan newspapers. These advertisements highlighted a shortage of homes and school places as reasons to not migrate to Leicester[92]. “In your own interests and those of your family you should... not come to Leicester”, as one advertisement put it[93]. In response to this attempted exclusion, and because of their entrepreneurial tradition in Africa, many “twice migrants” opted for self-employment, starting-up their own businesses in order to avoid the labour market’s racial prejudices. “Twice migrants” were driven to rebuild their wealth and social standing in the UK, leading to East African Asians being hugely over-represented in self-employment statistics in 1985[94].
Undoubtedly, the "twice migrant" community in the UK has thrived despite enduring institutional racism[95]. The accomplishments of this community are truly remarkable, as they have emerged as some of the most accomplished and influential individuals in the country today. Conservative Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, the UK’s first non-white and first Hindu Prime Minister, is amongst the success stories of “twice migrants”; his ancestors having migrated from India to Kenya and his parents having subsequently migrated to the UK in the 1960s[96]. His fellow party members, Suella Braverman and Priti Patel, both come from “twice migrant” families; Braverman’s family having migrated from Kenya and Mauritius and Patel’s parents having migrated from Uganda in the 1960s[97]. It is not just within the political sphere that “twice migrants” have prospered. British journalist, Yasmin Alibhai-Brown; Warwickshire cricketer, Asif Din; Deputy Assistant Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, Tarique Ghaffur; and business typhoon, Manubhai Madhvani, who was worth £160 million and had interests in sugar, brewing, and tourism, are all from “twice migrant” families who fled Uganda as refugees. The success of “twice migrants” in the UK is no doubt down to their tenacity, drive, and dedication to building a successful life in the UK.
Conclusion
Despite being written from a British perspective, colonial government documents can shed much light on the lives of marginalised communities. Within the collections held by British Online Archives, many stories of individuals and marginalised communities can be discovered. It is important that researchers labour to tease-out and to promote these alternative perspectives within the source material. Such work provides us, crucially, with a more comprehensive and just view of history. It is also vital in that it helps to break-down dominant, but nevertheless flawed historical narratives, such as those generated by British colonial administrations; administrations that created extensive, conspicuously pro-British records, thus dictating how colonial rule in Africa was subsequently viewed. Mary Wills, Senior Curator at British Online Archives, has spoken of the importance of highlighting alternative historical perspectives via the utilisation of archival sources:
“The last few years have witnessed timely demands for a rethink about how artefacts and archives are (re)interpreted within the contexts of their production, taking in the social, cultural, and intellectual settings that shaped people’s lives. This is crucial when studying the history of the British Empire, a history full of the perspectives of rulers, governors, and administrators, but where other voices have been hidden or silenced. As this article shows, these alternative perspectives are present in the archives, but may require a record being read in a different way. Sometimes we can identify voices of those living under British rule; more often we can look to details scattered throughout documents to help us speculate and learn more about the lived experiences of individuals and communities. Amplifying these diverse voices is crucial to gaining a more balanced view of this history and addressing some of the legacies of British imperialism”[98].
[1] Munshi Rahman Khan, Autobiography of an Indian Indentured Labourer (Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2005).
[2] Preethi Amaresh, “An Overview of Indian Diaspora in South Africa,” Diplomatist (2020).
[3] Amit Kumar Jain, Upendra Nabh Tripathi, and Vinita Katiyar, “An Overview on Indian Diaspora in Africa,” Educational Quest- an International Journal of Education and Applied Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (2017): 17.
[4] Clare Anderson, “Convicts and Coolies: Rethinking Indentured Labour in the Nineteenth Century,” Slavery & Abolition 30, no. 1 (2009): 93–109.
[5] Saeed Khan, “Gujarat’s Romance with East Africa Many Centuries Old,” The Times of India, September 24, 2013, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ahmedabad/gujarats-romance-with-east-africa-many-centuries-old/articleshow/22957037.cms; Radica Mahase, Why Should We Be Called “Coolies”? : The End of Indian Indentured Labour (Oxon: Routledge, 2021).
[6] Mahase, Why Should We Be Called “Coolies”?.
[7] Grigory Karpov, “The Role and Place of Indian Diaspora in the Colonial Kenya,” Genesis: Historical Research, no. 11 (November 2021): 1–15.
[8] Kshipra Vasudeo, “Indian Diaspora in Africa,” Diplomacy & Beyond Plus (October 2022).
[9] Goolam Vahed, “‘An Evil Thing’: Gandhi and Indian Indentured Labour in South Africa, 1893–1914,” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 42, no. 4 (2019): 654–74.
[10] Elisha S Atieno-Odhiambo, “The Political Economy of the Asian Problem in Kenya, 1888–1939,” Transafrican Journal of History 4, no. 1 (1974): 135–49.
[11] Mahase, Why Should We Be Called “Coolies”?.
[12] Maureen Tayal, “Indian Indentured Labour in Natal, 1890-1911,” The Indian Economic & Social History Review 14, no. 4 (October 1977): 519–47.
[13] David Northrup, Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism, 1838–1922 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 17.
[14] Ibid., 5.
[15] Mahase, Why Should We Be Called “Coolies”?.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Sana Aiyar, “Anticolonial Homelands across the Indian Ocean: The Politics of the Indian Diaspora in Kenya, Ca. 1930–1950,” The American Historical Review 116, no. 4 (2011): 987–1013; Khan, “Gujarat’s Romance with East Africa Many Centuries Old.”
[18] Striking Women, “Twice Migrants: African Asian Migration to the UK,” Striking Women (2019), https://www.striking-women.org/module/map-major-south-asian-migration-flows/twice-migrants-african-asian-migration-uk.
[19] Gupta, “Indian Diaspora in Africa: Historical Roots and Current Strength.”
[20] Vasudeo, “Indian Diaspora in Africa.”; Dilip Mandal, “Sunak, Braverman, Priti Patel Are Twice Migrants. That’s Why They Close the Door Behind Them,” ThePrint, October 28, 2022, https://theprint.in/opinion/sunak-braverman-priti-patel-are-twice-migrants-its-why-they-close-the-door-behind-them/1185299/.
[21] Aiyar, “Anticolonial Homelands across the Indian Ocean: The Politics of the Indian Diaspora in Kenya, Ca. 1930–1950.”
[22] Neha Sinha, “An Overview of Indian Diaspora in Africa: Implications for India ” (Vivekananda International Foundation, 2019), https://www.vifindia.org/sites/default/files/final-an-overview-of-indian-diaspora-in-africa.pdf.
[23] Karpov, “The Role and Place of Indian Diaspora in the Colonial Kenya.”
[24] Ibid.
[25] Ibid.
[26] Abhishek Pandey et al., “The Indian Diaspora: A Unique Case?,” in Diaspora Networks and the International Migration of Skills: How Countries Can Draw on Their Talent Abroad, ed. Yevgeny Kuznetsov (World Bank Publications, 2006).
[27] Anita Kiamba, “The Indian Diaspora and Policy Formulation in Kenya,” Diaspora Studies 7, no. 2 (May 2014): 88–99.
[28] Ibid.
[29] Aiyar, “Anticolonial Homelands across the Indian Ocean: The Politics of the Indian Diaspora in Kenya, Ca. 1930–1950.”
[30] Striking Women, “Twice Migrants: African Asian Migration to the UK.”
[31] Atieno-Odhiambo, “The Political Economy of the Asian Problem in Kenya, 1888–1939.”
[32] Aiyar, “Anticolonial Homelands across the Indian Ocean: The Politics of the Indian Diaspora in Kenya, Ca. 1930–1950.”
[33] Karpov, “The Role and Place of Indian Diaspora in the Colonial Kenya.”
[34] Ibid.
[35] Ibid.
[36] Atieno-Odhiambo, “The Political Economy of the Asian Problem in Kenya, 1888–1939.”
[37] Vahed, “‘An Evil Thing’: Gandhi and Indian Indentured Labour in South Africa, 1893–1914.”
[38] African History Online, “M.K. Gandhi Is Forcibly Removed from a Whites-Only Train Carriage,” South African History Online, March 16, 2011, https://www.sahistory.org.za/dated-event/mk-gandhi-forcibly-removed-whites-only-train-carriage.
[39] Ibid.
[40] Karpov, “The Role and Place of Indian Diaspora in the Colonial Kenya.”
[41] Ibid.
[42] Aiyar, “Anticolonial Homelands across the Indian Ocean: The Politics of the Indian Diaspora in Kenya, Ca. 1930–1950.”
[43] Ibid.
[44] Ibid.
[45] Ibid.
[46] BBC, “What Is India’s Caste System?,” BBC News, June 19, 2019, https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-35650616.
[47] Ibid.
[48] Uma Dhupelia-Mesthrie, “Gujarati Shoemakers in Twentieth-Century Cape Town: Family, Gender, Caste and Community,” Journal of Southern African Studies 38, no. 1 (2012): 167–82.
[49] Ibid.
[50] Tayal, “Indian Indentured Labour in Natal, 1890–1911.”
[51] Ibid.
[52] Tayal, “Indian Indentured Labour in Natal, 1890–1911.”; Ashwin Desai and Goolam H Vahed, Inside Indian Indenture : A South African Story, 1860–1914 (Cape Town: Hsrc Press, 2010).
[53] Dhupelia-Mesthrie, “Gujarati Shoemakers in Twentieth-Century Cape Town: Family, Gender, Caste and Community.”
[54] Suraj Milind Yengde, “Caste among the Indian Diaspora in Africa.,” Economic and Political Weekly 50, no. 37 (2015): 66; Dhupelia-Mesthrie, “Gujarati Shoemakers in Twentieth-Century Cape Town: Family, Gender, Caste and Community.”
[55] Ibid.
[56] Ibid.
[57] Ibid.
[58] Ibid., 182.
[59] Karpov, “The Role and Place of Indian Diaspora in the Colonial Kenya.”
[60] Ibid.
[61] Atieno-Odhiambo, “The Political Economy of the Asian Problem in Kenya, 1888–1939.”
[62] Vasudeo, “Indian Diaspora in Africa.”
[63] Amaresh, “An Overview of Indian Diaspora in South Africa.”
[64] Atieno-Odhiambo, “The Political Economy of the Asian Problem in Kenya, 1888–1939.”
[65] Aiyar, “Anticolonial Homelands across the Indian Ocean: The Politics of the Indian Diaspora in Kenya, Ca. 1930–1950”, 1002.
[66] Kiamba, “The Indian Diaspora and Policy Formulation in Kenya.”
[67] Mandal, “Sunak, Braverman, Priti Patel Are Twice Migrants. That’s Why They Close the Door behind Them.”; Danish Khan, “Rishi Sunak’s Rise Is Testament to the Tenacity of the ‘Twice Migrants,’” Moneycontrol, August 7, 2022, https://www.moneycontrol.com/news/world/rishi-sunaks-rise-in-the-british-political-establishment-is-testament-to-the-tenacity-of-the-twice-migrants-8972881.html.
[68] Sinha, “An Overview of Indian Diaspora in Africa: Implications for India.”
[69] Mandal, “Sunak, Braverman, Priti Patel Are Twice Migrants. That’s Why They Close the Door behind Them.”
[70] Khan, “Rishi Sunak’s Rise Is Testament to the Tenacity of the ‘Twice Migrants.’”; Karpov, “The Role and Place of Indian Diaspora in the Colonial Kenya.”
[71] Striking Women, “Twice Migrants: African Asian Migration to the UK.”
[72] Khan, “Rishi Sunak’s Rise Is Testament to the Tenacity of the ‘Twice Migrants.’”
[73] Striking Women, “Twice Migrants: African Asian Migration to the UK.”
[74] Ibid.
[75] Sinha, “An Overview of Indian Diaspora in Africa: Implications for India.”
[76] Khan, “Gujarat’s Romance with East Africa Many Centuries Old.”
[77] Khan, “Rishi Sunak’s Rise Is Testament to the Tenacity of the ‘Twice Migrants.’”
[78] Striking Women, “Twice Migrants: African Asian Migration to the UK.”
[79] Vaughan Robinson, “Marching into the Middle Classes? The Long-Term Resettlement of East African Asians in the UK,” Journal of Refugee Studies 6, no. 3 (1993): 230–47.
[80] Mandal, “Sunak, Braverman, Priti Patel Are Twice Migrants. That’s Why They Close the Door Behind Them.”
[81] Anand Singh, “South African Indian Migration in the Twenty-First Century: Towards a Theory of ‘Triple Identity,’” Asian Ethnicity 9, no. 1 (February 2008): 5–16.
[82] Striking Women, “Twice Migrants: African Asian Migration to the UK.”
[83] Mandal, “Sunak, Braverman, Priti Patel Are Twice Migrants. That’s Why They Close the Door Behind Them.”
[84] Parminder Bhachu, “Twice versus Direct Migrants: East African Sikh Settlers in Britain,” Escholarship.org, April 7, 1990, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/840862km#main.
[85] William Wallis and Anjli Raval, “‘We Have Come a Long Way’: ‘Twice Migrant’ Asians Celebrate Sunak’s Arrival as UK Prime Minister,” Financial Times, October 28, 2022, https://www.ft.com/content/789d0390-99a2-45ec-a567-dc998e170fd8.; Striking Women, “Twice Migrants: African Asian Migration to the UK.”; Khan, “Rishi Sunak’s Rise Is Testament to the Tenacity of the ‘Twice Migrants.’”
[86] Robinson, “Marching into the Middle Classes? The Long-Term Resettlement of East African Asians in the UK.”
[87] Ibid.
[88] Bhachu, “Twice versus Direct Migrants: East African Sikh Settlers in Britain.”
[89] Robinson, “Marching into the Middle Classes? The Long-Term Resettlement of East African Asians in the UK.”
[90] Ibid.
[91] Striking Women, “Twice Migrants: African Asian Migration to the UK.”
[92] Khan, “Rishi Sunak’s Rise Is Testament to the Tenacity of the ‘Twice Migrants.’”
[93] “They Fled with Nothing but Built a New Empire,” The Guardian, August 11, 2002, https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2002/aug/11/race.world.
[94] Robinson, “Marching into the Middle Classes? The Long-Term Resettlement of East African Asians in the UK.”
[95] Ibid.
[96] Wallis and Raval, “‘We Have Come a Long Way’: ‘Twice Migrant’ Asians Celebrate Sunak’s Arrival as UK Prime Minister.”
[97] Mandal, “Sunak, Braverman, Priti Patel Are Twice Migrants. That’s Why They Close the Door behind Them.”
[98] Mary Wills, interviewed by the author, June, 2023.